After the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) merged into government forces last month, Kurdish experts have expressed concerns regarding the future of their rights. The merger has prompted discussions among Kurds in Syria, Iraq, and Turkiye about the potential for securing their rights through democratic means.
Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa has promised constitutional protection for the Kurdish language and political rights. However, analysts are questioning whether the decision to abandon the 'armed struggle' will jeopardize the efforts to secure Kurdish rights and identity.
SDF leader Mazloum Abdi stated from the presidential palace in Damascus, 'We want this day to be the beginning of a true transition from the battlefields to the fields of construction, and from the era of weapons to the era of peace.' He remarked that an 'important page' had been turned in Syria’s history.
While some Kurdish politicians view the integration as an opportunity for Kurds to participate in building a new Syria and to advocate for their rights through the constitution, others believe it results from pressure from Turkey and the United States.
Turkey has developed close ties with the Syrian government, which came to power after Bashar al-Assad was ousted in December 2024, and has previously attacked Kurdish fighters along its border with Syria. Although the U.S. helped establish the SDF in 2015, it has since aligned with the al-Sharaa government.
The U.S.-backed SDF, which was formed to combat the Islamic State (ISIS), controlled northeastern Syria, home to most of the Kurdish population, for over a decade. Earlier this year, government forces took control of northern Syria, leading to the disbandment of the SDF and the dissolution of the Kurdish-led Autonomous administration.
Talal Mohammed, head of the Kurdistan Democratic Peace Party in Syria, views these developments as a turning point for the Kurdish issue. He stated, 'This represents an opportunity for the Kurds to be partners in building a democratic Syria.' He emphasized the need for unity among Kurdish groups to secure their rights in the new constitution.
However, he cautioned that Turkey aims to eliminate armed Kurdish groups. Turkey classifies the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), which led a long-standing armed rebellion, and its affiliates in Syria, Iraq, and Iran as terrorist organizations, accusing them of destabilizing the region through violence.
The PKK announced its dissolution in May 2025, following a call from jailed leader Abdullah Ocalan to end the armed conflict, which has resulted in numerous casualties. The Turkish government welcomed this decision.
Ankara considers the People’s Protection Units (YPG), which led the SDF, as a terrorist group and an extension of the PKK in Syria. Mohammed stated that the PKK is a significant Kurdish group in the region and its actions influence Kurdish affairs in Syria. He noted, 'Ending the SDF and the PKK was a Turkish dream and a major Turkish project.'
Other Kurdish politicians argue that the peace initiative in Turkey and the SDF’s integration will empower Kurds and help maintain their rights. Perwin Yousef, co-chair of the Democratic Union Party (PYD), a PKK branch in Syria, stated that they do not view the integration as a setback and will continue to pursue their rights through political agreements within the new Syrian constitution.
Yousef acknowledged, however, that there are currently no guarantees for the national, political, and cultural rights of the Kurds, which could hinder any agreements. She emphasized the need for recognition of the Kurdish language as an official language and for the Kurds to have a role in decision-making within the Syrian state.
The Kurds are an ethnic group indigenous to the Mesopotamian plains and nearby highlands, spanning southeastern Turkey, northeastern Syria, northern Iraq, northwestern Iran, and southwestern Armenia. They have long aspired to establish an independent Kurdish state.
Joost Hiltermann, a special adviser to the International Crisis Group, noted that the various Kurdish populations have discovered that their differences may outweigh their commonalities, including dialect, tribal affiliation, and historical experiences.
Kurdish academic Sarbast Nabi from Koya University in northern Iraq believes that recent agreements between the PKK and the SDF with the Turkish and Syrian governments will hinder Kurdish aspirations. He stated, 'The SDF found itself compelled to take this decision, which is subject to Turkish will.' He added that the situation serves Turkish national security and marginalizes the Kurdish issue.
Muhammad Amin Penjweny, an expert on PKK and Turkish politics, argued that Kurdish groups need to adapt to the decline of Western support, especially after the fall of al-Assad’s government. He described the SDF’s integration with Syrian forces as a necessary action given the withdrawal of American and French forces.
Despite the apparent success of the merger, mistrust and skepticism remain prevalent among Kurdish circles. The fate of Ocalan could be a crucial factor in future developments. PKK leaders have warned against continuing the peace process with Turkey unless democratic reforms are enacted.
Penjweny noted that the PKK has shown goodwill by burning its weapons but will not surrender them until Ocalan and his comrades are released from Turkish prisons. He emphasized that the Kurdish aspiration for statehood persists, citing the historical impact of the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne, which divided Kurdish areas across four countries.
Sentiments among Kurdish populations in Syria, Iraq, and Turkey vary significantly. In Iraq, Kurds enjoy the most rights, protected by the constitution established after the U.S.-led invasion in 2003. The Kurdistan Regional Government governs the semi-autonomous Kurdish region.
Soran Ali, a Kurdish writer in Iraq, stated that what Syrian Kurds have achieved is better than their situation under Assad. However, some Kurds in Turkey express a pessimistic outlook regarding their community's future, with nationalist researcher Ahmed Kani stating, 'As long as Turkey is a strong state, the Kurds in the four parts of Kurdistan will not be able to achieve their dream of statehood.'